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CTH 811

Citatio: L. Savino (ed.), hethiter.net/: CTH 811 (TX 23.12.2022, TRen 23.12.2022)



§4
63
--
63
A1
63
B1
Vs. II 8 [ ... ] el-le-ta ša i-na ku-zu-ub ni-[ši] Vs. II 9 [ ... ]-at
64
--
64
A1
64
B1
65
--
65
A1
Vs. II 29 ina u4-mi an-ni-i Vs. II 30 šá ana É an-ni-i i-ru-bá
65
B1
Vs. II 10 i-na u4-mi [NE?]
66
--
66
A1
67
--
67
A1
Vs. II 32 ṭa-ar-dá-ta
68
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68
A1
Vs. II 32 ta-at-ta-lak
69
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69
A1
Vs. II 33 la ta-kál-la
70
--
70
A1
71
--
71
A1
72
--
72
A1
73
--
73
A1
74
--
[x x x x x tummāt]a
74
A1
Vs. III 1 [x x x x x tu-um-ma-t]a
75
--
[x x x x]
75
A1
Vs. III 1 la [x x x x]
76
--
76
A1
77
--
[x x x]
77
A1
Vs. III 2 la [x x x]
78
--
78
A1
79
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79
A1
80
--
80
A1
81
--
81
A1
82
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82
A1
Vs. III 7 lu-ú šu-ṣa-a-ta
83
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83
A1
84
--
84
A1
Vs. III 8 lu-ú ṭar-da-tá
85
--
85
A1
86
--
86
A1
87
--
87
A1
Vs. III 11 KASKAL-ka šu-šu-rat
88
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88
A1
Vs. III 11 le-qí [pa-da-an]
89
--
89
A1
Vs. III 12 [ú-r]u-šu11
90
--
isi
90
A1
Vs. III 12 i-si
91
--
91
A1
Vs. III 12 ri-i-iq
92
--
92
A1
Vs. III 12 a[t-lak]12
93
--
93
A1
94
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94
A1
95
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95
A1
Vs. III 15 e-bi-iṭ-ma
96
--
96
A1
Vs. III 15 la-a ta-tù-ur-ra
97
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97
A1
98
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98
A1
99
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99
A1
100
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100
A1
101
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101
A1
102
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102
A1
Vs. III 22 EGIR ri-ik-si Vs. III 23 2 ANŠEmeš ana IGI dUTU tul-za-az
102
B2
103
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103
A1
103
B2
104
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104
A1
104
B2
105
--
105
A1
105
B2
106
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106
A1
Vs. III 28 ana EGIR-ka ú-ul aš-lim
106
B2
107
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107
A1
107
B2
108
--
108
A1
108
B2
109
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109
A1
Vs. III 31 di-in AN.TA-⸢tim⸣ Vs. III 32 ana KI.TA-tim
109
B2
Vs. III 8 di-in AN.TA-tim Vs. III 9 [...]
110
--
110
A1
Vs. III 32 di-in KI.TA-tim Vs. III 33 ana AN.TA-tim tù-ub-bal
110
B2
Vs. III 9 DI.KUD14 KI.TA-tim Vs. III 10 [ ...-u]b-bal
111
--
111
A1
111
B2
Vs. III 10 a-na NENNI DUMU.NENNI Vs. III 11 [ ... ]-šu NENNI-tum
112
--
112
A1
112
B2
Vs. III 12 [ ... ]-uš NU.ZU
113
--
113
A1
113
B2
Vs. III 13 [ ... ] NU.ZU
114
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114
A1
114
B2
Vs. III 14 [ ... ].A ṣab-tù-uš NU.ZU
115
--
115
A1
115
B2
Vs. III 15 [ ... ] NU.ZU
116
--
116
A1
116
B2
Vs. III 16 [ ... ] NU.ZU
117
--
117
A1
117
B2
Vs. III 17 [ ... ] tá-ni-ḫi
118
--
118
A1
119
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119
A1
120
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120
A1
121
--
121
A1
Rs. IV 10 mu-ra-am-mu-u SA
122
--
122
A1
Rs. IV 10 mu-ub-bi-il Rs. IV 11 li-iq pí-i
123
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123
A1
Rs. IV 11 na-SA-iḫ16 lìb-bi
124
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124
A1
125
--
125
A1
§4
63 -- “Pure Nisaba that is placed for (lit. “in”) the prosperity10 of Man,
64 -- o deity, the making of (magical) drawings is your fate to break the curse.
65 -- On this day, when he (the demon) entered this house,
66 -- I placed him under the oath of the gods.11
67 -- You are dispelled,
68 -- (and) you’ll be off!
69 -- Don’t be back.”
70 -- And you swing a torch and a censer (?) past those donkeys.
71 -- You keep people away,12
72 -- you draw a (magical) drawing,13
73 -- (and) you say thus:
74 -- [x x x x x] you are exorcised,
75 -- don’t [x x x]
76 -- [(by) E]nl[il you] are [ex]orcised,
77 -- don’t [x x x]
78 -- (by) Ninli[l dit]to d[itto],
79 -- (by) Asalluḫi ditto,
80 -- (by) Baba, the daughter-in-law, [ditto],
81 -- (by) Ningizida, the gr[eat thro]ne-bearer, [ditto].
82 -- May you be dispelled,
83 -- may you be [driven away],
84 -- may you be overcome,
85 -- go a[way]!
86 -- From this day forward [you serve as] the substitute of the man and his image.
87 -- Your road is in order,
88 -- take your path!
89 -- Take it (= the evil) away,
90 -- depart,
91 -- be off,
92 -- be gone!
93 -- be dispelled by the oath of the great gods!
94 -- On account of (?) the drawing which is in your power,
95 -- be bound,14
96 -- do not come back,
97 -- do not return!
98 -- Be gone to the place in which you are dispelled!”
99 -- You take (the figurine) away from the house
100 -- (and) you take it out to the outside.
101 -- (On your way) from the outside (of the house) up to the wild-growing (?) ašāgu-thornbush you scatter isqūqu-flour, date-(flour), and sasqû-flour.
102 -- Behind the ritual arrangement you set up the 2 pack-donkeys in front of Šamaš.
103 -- Behind the pack-donkeys you set up the weapon.
104 -- You set up the donkey which the figurine of the substitute is riding behind the weapon.
105 -- “Šamaš, in your presence I got well,15
106 -- in your absence I did not get well.
107 -- Šamaš, you (are) the Lord of Judgement and of Law,
108 -- you are exceeding the intelligence of the Malkū, the great Malkū.
109 -- You bring the judgements of the Upper World to the Lower
110 -- (and) those of the Lower World to the Upper.
111 -- (About) so-and-so, son of so-and-so, whose god is so-and-so, whose goddess is so-and-so (f.),
112 -- whom fever has seized (and) he doesn’t know:
113 -- (the spirit of) a dead (person), a living (person) have seized him (and) he doesn’t know,
114 -- a ghost has seized him, a ghost of (his) family has seized him (and) he doesn’t know.
115 -- A bustling ghost has seized him and he doesn’t know,
116 -- a wandering ghost has seized him (and) he doesn’t know,
117 -- Namtaru, Asakku, shivers, exhaustion have seized (him and) he doesn’t know,
118 -- the ‘double’ of a dead person, an evil ghost have seized him (and) he doesn’t know,
119 -- Lamaštu, Labāṣu, Aḫḫāzu have seized (him),
120 -- the Great Warden of the Forests,16 he who smashes the skull,
121 -- he who slackens the muscles,
122 -- he who dries up the palate,
123 -- deranges the mind,
124 -- who causes (kidneys) to squeeze against each other (has siezed him).
125 -- With the support of Šamaš I have placed the oath of the great gods in his mouth.”
This is the only attestation of this term: cf. CAD G p. 114a (“you swing the cultic torch (and) the censer after these donkeys: ZA, 45, 204 ii 34 [Bogh. rit.]”) and MEA No. 115. The translation that is given is that of a censer (in CAD, encensoir MEA, Prima-Schale in ZA 45), probably because of the movement to which it is associated: usually it is the torch (izi.gar/gizillû), the censer proper (níg.na/nignakku), and the holy water container ((dug)a.gúb.ba/agubbû) that are swung in the air. The fact that this vessel is swung with the torch as it happens in other rituals (e.g. in bīt mēṣeri, cf. BBR 52 Rvs 19 and BBR 54 Obv 5’) lets us suppose that it is a kind of ritual instrument from which some kind of liquid or vaporised substance is poured. CAD B ba’û 3a p. 181 more generically translates the term as “sag-container”. Bácskay (2018: 172 fn. 480) says that the vessel is also cited in the tenth tablet of the Ur₅-ra list (MSL VII p. 86), and he hypothesizes that it is a scribal variant for dugsag.gá, “an unknown Akkadian vessel” (Bácskay, ivi) described by Potts (1997: 157); the latter, however, describes the vessel as having a capacity of ten litres, which would make it nearly impossible to swing it as it is done in this ritual.
The restoration of zanānu is consistent with the expected number of lost signs, and it obviates the need for a D-Stamm 2nd person singular stative verb with the meaning “you have been equipped with/you have been given as…”, referring to puḫ amīli and mulliššu.
The restoration from warû hypothesizes a meaning of “taking it (= the evil) away”, which is consistent with the context. On the other hand, I find Bácskay’s (2018: 165) restoration [zu?-um?]-⸢ru⸣-šu less consistent, since there is no room for two signs and the bound form of zumru should be zu-mur/-mu-ur-šu. The reading of ru in correspondence of the break is however nearly certain.
Both Meier (1939: 204) and Bácskay (2018: 167) read a[t-], but Bácskay doubts the -lak restored by Meier. The restoration is consistent, but the picture on HPM does not show the AT, which is only readable from the copy. The possible beginning of a horizontal could be a scratch or a break.
The exact meaning of this term is obscure (cf. CAD A/2 āṣû p. 384). My interpretation is that it is a thornbush growing wild (as in the translation), and that waṣî refers to the fact that its shape is irregular, ‘protruding’ because not trimmed and thus not ‘regularised’ by human hand.
Cf. Meier (1939: 204), contra Bácskay (2018: 168), who reads “di-in! (lit. ḫal)”.
Lamaštu, Labāṣu, and Aḫḫāzu are also named together in AAA 22 42:3 and in Maqlû I 137.
For this reading cf. CAD N/2 nasāḫu 9 p. 11, against Meier's (1939: 206) and Bácskay's (2018: 168) na-sà-aḫ.
Nisaba is present in relation to the term kuzbu also in BBR No. 88 Obv 9-10, a neo-Assyrian fragment from Nineveh, in which one can read: … nisaba // [. . .] dumu dA-nim ku-zu-ub dingirmeš (“Nisaba [. . .] son of Anu, luxury of the gods”). The context, which is fragmentary, is that of an invocation to Šamaš “Lord of Judgement” and Adad “Lord of divination”.
The phrase is also present in CTH 811.A Vs. III 13 and in Rs. V 3, and it denotes the act of submission in which the āšipu forces the illness.
The verb nadû is in Gtn, with an iterative hint, which seems to suggest the condition of solitude of the āšipu while he performs the following acts, away from other people, probably because the actions that follow channel the evil that seized the patient, and thus the presence of strangers could, in the perspective of the ritual, complicate the situation, or because the ritual needs to take place in secret. An alternative reading of the verb could see it regarding the human figurines with the meaning of “discarding”, but it is not convincing because its object is amīlūti: inside the ritual we have only two human anthropomorphic figurines, that of the substitute riding the donkey and that holding the stick, too few to justify a collective; moreover, the use of an iterative verb would be strange with this meaning. The literal translation of the phrase would be “you abandon the people”, and similarly translates Meier (1939: 205 ii 35): “die Menschen wirfst du hin”. Bácskay (2018: 172 r. 72), on the other hand, interprets the phrase as “You lay down the (ill) man”; this translation is not convincing because it does not consider the collective amīlūti and, above everything, it seems extremely unrealistic the iterative Gtn-Stamm if the meaning of the sentence were that of having the patience lay down.
The drawing mentioned in this line, more than a magic circle, as Meier (1939: 205) interprets it, could be some kind of mark, even just stylised, that was made on the figurine – maybe on its hand, if one interprets literally the phrase ina šu-ka of CTH 811.A Vs. III 12 – to mark it out in some way, or to ‘tie to it’ the illness of the patience, as if to ritually imprison it.
For e-bi-iṭ-ma cf. CAD E ebēṭu p. 14 “get cramps (?)” and AHw ebēṭu II p. 183a “etwa ‘binden’.” A translation ‘to bind, to tie’ is more plausible in this context. Meier (1939: 205) translates “nimm als Pfand”, and in the related footnote (ivi: 213) comments to interpret to verb as an imperative from the root ’bṭ to which the term ebūṭum from Cappadocia texts is related as well. Bácskay (2018: 172) similarly translates with the meaning of ‘tying’, but I don’t think his interpretation of the sentence after this passage (“it (i.e. the illness) may be tied up (and told) ‘do not return (and) do not come back!’”) is convincing because I think there is no need to add a direct speech inside the recitation which is a direct speech per se; perhaps Bácskay interprets this way because of the -ma, but I think it’s more simple to simply take it as a correlation, which I translated as a run-on sentence.
CAD Š/1 šalāmu 1d translates these two sentences as “Šamaš, before you I got well, behind you I did not get well”. The phrase can have two meaning: the first, which is the one I adopted in the translation, is that, metaphorical, of the presence/absence of the deity; the second can be literal, i.e. with the meaning that the patient was feeling well during the day but fell ill during the night. If intended metaphorically, anyway, the verb could also be translated as a present if we want to read it a gnomic phrase.
The term ennungallu (or enungallu) is a loanword from Sumerian en.nun.gal, and can be found only in this text. Its literal meaning of ‘great guardian’ is clear, but less clear is what deity or demon hides behind the epithet of ‘Great Warden of the Forests’. The image surely seems to call to memory Ḫumbaba, and even if the reason for which it is called into question is not entirely clear, it may perhaps be linked to the use that was made of the representations of this creature in Mesopotamian context: following the myth of Gilgameš, images of the severed head of the monster were affixed to doors with an apotropaic function as a bogeyman against evil entities, similar to what happened with the gorgoéneion in classical times. The reference to Ḫumbaba could therefore be linked to this usual prophylactic function, which here however appears perverted if not completely reversed, so much so that instead of defending the patient from external attacks it causes him all those reactions that it should cause to the demons against which he is put for protection. It wouldn’t be different from the ‘Bailiff-demon’ (maškim/rābiṣu) and from the ‘Sheriff-demon’ (gal5.lá/gallû), “which represent corrupt aspects of ancient bureaucracies” (Geller 2015: 11): figures per se protective and benevolent which, however, take on a negative connotation and even a demonic aspect. For the term ennungallu itself cf. also CAD E enungallu p. 180 and AHw 221b “(sum. Lw.) ‘Großwächter’, Bo. Dämonen (der Wälder)”.

Editio ultima: Textus 23.12.2022; Traductionis 23.12.2022