|
§5
|
126
|
|
|
126
|
|
Rs. IV 15
ana
IGI
d20
lúa-ši-pu
UR5.GIN7
i!
(Text: TA)
17-qab-bi-ma
|
127
|
|
|
127
|
|
|
128
|
|
|
128
|
|
|
129
|
|
|
129
|
|
|
130
|
|
|
130
|
|
|
131
|
|
|
131
|
|
|
132
|
|
|
132
|
|
|
133
|
|
|
133
|
|
|
134
|
|
|
134
|
|
|
135
|
|
|
135
|
|
|
136
|
|
|
136
|
|
|
137
|
|
|
137
|
|
|
138
|
|
|
138
|
|
|
139
|
|
|
139
|
|
|
140
|
|
|
140
|
|
|
141
|
|
|
141
|
|
|
142
|
|
|
142
|
|
|
143
|
|
|
143
|
|
|
144
|
|
|
144
|
|
|
145
|
|
|
145
|
|
|
146
|
|
|
146
|
|
|
147
|
|
|
147
|
|
|
148
|
|
|
148
|
|
|
149
|
|
|
149
|
|
|
150
|
|
|
150
|
|
|
151
|
|
|
151
|
|
|
152
|
|
|
152
|
|
|
153
|
|
|
153
|
|
|
153
|
|
Rs. IV 1' [
... ]
⸢x⸣
[(x)]
|
154
|
|
|
154
|
|
|
154
|
|
|
155
|
|
|
155
|
|
|
155
|
|
|
156
|
|
|
156
|
|
|
156
|
|
Rs. IV 4' [
...
]sar
ḪE.ḪE
|
|
|
§5
126
--
In front of Šamaš the āšipu thus recites:
127
--
“ašāgu-thornbush, you (are) the offspring of Enlil. 17
128
--
For the sake of so-and-so, son of so-and-so, whose god is so-and-so, whose goddess is so-and-so (f.),
129
--
whom Namtaru, Asakku, fever, a bustling ghost, a wandering ghost, mountain fever have seized,
132
--
(and) and request him (as follows):
133
--
“So-and-so, son of so-and-so, whom fever has seized, may it set (him) free
134
--
(and then) I may set you free.”
135
--
You pour oil onto the ašāgu-thornbush.
136
--
You bind the [x x] of that ašāgu-thornbush to the urbatu-reed.
137
--
You wrap [. . .] around her head and then you say as follows:
138
--
“Deity, I have decorated [. . .] over you.
139
--
Šamaš, may I set (this) man free from (his) [mountain] f[ever],
140
--
and then I shall set you (= the ašāgu-thornbush) free.”
141
--
When you leave the (place of) rites18
142
--
you place a dry [bread] of 1 [qa]
143
--
and you draw 2 (lines that are) one-cubit-long,
144
--
and then you draw 7 drawings on 7.19
145
--
Wherever there are drawings you place dried bread loafs of <1 qa>.
146
--
Do not look behind you.
147
--
You place the oath of the great gods on his mouth.
148
--
When you again enter the gate (of the city),
149
--
you sprinkle flour from one side to the other
150
--
and you scatter offerings in the middle,
151
--
and you keep sprinkling (them) on the two doors of the gate on both sides, (and then you say):
152
--
“I conjure you by the great gods.
153
--
May the evil that is (now) in the ašāgu-thornbush 20 not come to me through the open gate. 21
154
--
May you go behind what is given to you!”
155
--
To the flour that is to be offered
156
--
you mix salt and cress.
|
Emendation following Meier (1939: 206).
Meier (1939: 206) and Bácskay (2018: 169) read ki-am!; the first translates the sentence as “Vor Šamaš laß ihn folgendermaßen sprechen”, while the second as “You should speak before Šamaš as follows”. Since, however, the text reads -bi instead of -am, I think that KI should actually be read as qí-, so that the word can be taken as the 2nd person singular imperative of the verb qabû. Of the same opinion are Bácskay and Niederreiter (2019: 183), who translate the sentence as: “Speak and request to Šamaš as that. . .” and also transliterate a-na dutu qí-bi du-ub-bi-ib-šu.
These signs are used in Hittite context to indicate that the tablet from which the scribe was copying was broken.
lumašširma is a 1st person singular, thus translated as “may I set (this) man free from (his) [mountain] f[ever]”, with a double accusative; for this reason I restore li-’-ba and not li-’-bu as Meier (1939: 206) and Bácskay (2018: 169). Differently read Meier (1939: 207) and Bácskay (2018: 173), who probably took the lu- as an Assyrisms instead of li- for the 3rd person singular and thus translate the first as “das F[ieber] soll den Menschen loslassen”, and the latter as “let [the mountain li’bu disease] be released from (that) man”.
After this line, both Meier (1939: 208) and Bácskay (2018: 169) place a paragraph mark, but it seems to me that they are mislead by the line drawn by the scribe to delimit the lower margin of the tablet.
The reading šá ab-la given by Meier (1939: 208) makes no sense, but neither does the reading ninda ab-la of CAD if taken by itself. It can perhaps be hypothesized, as in my translation, that after ša 〈1 sìla〉 is missing, as indicated in CTH 811.A Rs. IV 33. As also pointed out by Meier (1939: 214), however, in the text šá is used with the meaning of relative or suffix pronoun, or logographic as ninda, while ša is used with a syllabic value; for this reason, even this hypothesis remains very speculative and not entirely convincing, especially since l. CTH 811.A Rs. IV 33 reads šá 1 [sìla], and not ša. Another hypothesis is that the ša following ab-la is to be expunged. Bácskay (2018: 169) transliterates ninda ab-la ša gar-an, and translates: “wherever (you draw) drawings, you put dried bread”, thus not translating the ša. I translated ninda ab-la as “dried bread loaves”, following the translation of ninda.ḫád.da of l. 57. CAD quotes this sentence in A/1 ablu p. 54, and translates “biscuit”; in the same way it translates ninda.ḫád.da. Bácskay (2018) always translates “dried bread(s)”.
|
The sentence is translated in CAD Ṣ ṣītu 3b p. 218. AHw ešēgu p. 253 refers to ašāgu and considers it a demon in this text. However, I am not so convinced that the ašāgu is a demon, more likely a means used to exorcise the demon that has seized the patient. The clay figurine was probably stuck in the thorns of the thorn-bush so that the latter would retain and “channel” the evil it represented.
The rendering of the term garza follows CAD P parṣu 1c p. 198.
The translation of this sentence follows Meier’s edition in ZA 45 209 column IV line 35: “zeichnest du sieben Umkreise vor sieben”. However, it is not clear what these ‘seven’ are, perhaps the seven dried bread loaves mentioned in CTH 811.A Vs. II 20 (and CTH 811.B Vs. II 3). The hypothesis of Bácskay (2018: 173) according to which they would be “seven (gods?)”, perhaps the Sebettū, does not seem plausible because it is not consistent with the rest of the ritual, in which this “hepteade” is never mentioned, as well as because the divinity determinative would be missing in front of the number 7.
This is the only time in the text where the ašāgu is defined with the determinative (úe-še-ki). Another solution would be to consider ú a logogram in its own right for šamnu, as if ašāgu were an attribute; even in this case, however, it would be a unicum within the text. Meier (1939: 208) reads it as šà-ú (cf. also AHw libbu p. 550 “l.ú ešēgu ZA 45, 208, 9 unkl.”), and he interprets the word as an unclear meaning of libbu, thus his translation: “daß . . . des ešeku durch das geöffnete Tor nicht (wieder) zu mir hereinkommt!”, but this reading is not convincing either, because we would need libbi in bound form, not libbu in nominative case. Bácskay (2018: 169) transliterates in the same way as Meier, but then translates: “I praise you by the great gods who belong to the ašāgu thorn, (the disease) will not enter through the open gate”. This translation does not seem convincing to me both on a grammatical level, because for the reasons mentioned above we would need libbi, not libbu, and because it actually forces us to ask ourselves who are these phantom – and never before mentioned in the text – “great gods who belong to the ašāgu-thorn(bush)”.
The sentence is translated in CAD P petû p. 338: “let him not come in to me through the open city gate”. It is not completely clear whether -am is the 1st person suffix pronoun or simply the ventive particle, but since it was possible to maintain both nuances in English, I have translated accordingly; Meier (1939: 209) also translates “. . . durch das geöffnete Tor nicht (wieder) zu mir hereinkommt!”. Bácskay (2018: 174), on the other hand, translates “(the disease) will not enter through the open gate”, thus giving preference to the ventive, as, I must admit, would have been preferable in Italian as well in order to make the reading more fluid.
|
|